The legitimacy of human rights
In recent years, the language of human rights has become ubiquitous around the world, shaping such nascent transnational institutions as the International Criminal Court, and justifying international interventions to halt genocide.1
Yet there is wide-ranging disagreement among philosophers and jurists about the nature and scope of supposedly universal human rights. Some argue that human rights constitute the 鈥渃ore of a universal thin morality鈥 (Michael Walzer), while others claim that they form 鈥渞easonable conditions of a world-political consensus鈥 (Martha Nussbaum). Still others narrow the concept of human rights 鈥渢o a minimum standard of well-ordered political institutions for all peoples鈥2 (John Rawls), and caution that there needs to be a sharp distinction between this minimum standard and the much longer list of rights that the United Nations enumerated in its Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) of 1948.
Such disagreements inevitably raise doubts about what, precisely, should count as a human right. Walzer, for one, suggests that a comparison of the moral codes of various societies may produce a set of standards, a 鈥渢hin鈥 list of human rights, 鈥渢o which all societies can be held鈥搉egative injunctions, most likely rules against murder, deceit, torture, oppression, and tyranny.鈥3 But this way of proceeding would yield a relatively short list. 鈥淎mong others,鈥 notes Charles Beitz, 鈥渞ights requiring democratic political forms, religious toleration, legal equality for women, and free choice of partner would certainly be excluded.鈥4 For many of the world鈥檚 moral systems, such as ancient Judaism, medieval Christianity, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Hinduism, Walzer鈥檚 鈥渘egative injunctions against oppression and tyranny鈥 would be consistent with great degrees of inequality among genders, classes, castes, and religious groups.
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