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Summer 2008

The legitimacy of human rights

Author
Seyla Benhabib

Seyla Benhabib, a Fellow of the American Academy since 1995, is Eugene Meyer Professor of Political Science and Philosophy and Director of the Program in Ethics, Politics, and Economics at Yale University. Her books include 鈥淐ritique, Norm, and Utopia: A Study of the Normative Foundations of Critical Theory鈥 (1986), 鈥淪ituating the Self: Gender, Community, and Post-modernism in Contemporary Ethics鈥 (1992), 鈥淭he Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the Global Era鈥 (2002), and 鈥淭he Rights of Others: Aliens, Citizens, and Residents鈥 (2004).

In recent years, the language of human rights has become ubiquitous around the world, shaping such nascent transnational institutions as the International Criminal Court, and justifying international interventions to halt genocide.1

Yet there is wide-ranging disagreement among philosophers and jurists about the nature and scope of supposedly universal human rights. Some argue that human rights constitute the 鈥渃ore of a universal thin morality鈥 (Michael Walzer), while others claim that they form 鈥渞easonable conditions of a world-political consensus鈥 (Martha Nussbaum). Still others narrow the concept of human rights 鈥渢o a minimum standard of well-ordered political institutions for all peoples鈥2 (John Rawls), and caution that there needs to be a sharp distinction between this minimum standard and the much longer list of rights that the United Nations enumerated in its Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) of 1948.

Such disagreements inevitably raise doubts about what, precisely, should count as a human right. Walzer, for one, suggests that a comparison of the moral codes of various societies may produce a set of standards, a 鈥渢hin鈥 list of human rights, 鈥渢o which all societies can be held鈥搉egative injunctions, most likely rules against murder, deceit, torture, oppression, and tyranny.鈥3 But this way of proceeding would yield a relatively short list. 鈥淎mong others,鈥 notes Charles Beitz, 鈥渞ights requiring democratic political forms, religious toleration, legal equality for women, and free choice of partner would certainly be excluded.鈥4 For many of the world鈥檚 moral systems, such as ancient Judaism, medieval Christianity, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Hinduism, Walzer鈥檚 鈥渘egative injunctions against oppression and tyranny鈥 would be consistent with great degrees of inequality among genders, classes, castes, and religious groups.

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Endnotes

  • 1I first developed the themes discussed in this essay in my Presidential Address to the American Philosophical Association, Eastern Division, in December 2006. See Seyla Benhabib, 鈥淎nother Universalism: On the Unity and Diversity of Human Rights,鈥 Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association 81 (2) (November 2007): 7鈥32. A longer version of this essay will appear as the Lindley Lecture of the University of Kansas at Lawrence.
  • 2For an interesting critique of Rawls along these lines, see Alessandro Ferrara, 鈥淭wo Notions of Humanity and the Judgment Argument for Human Rights,鈥 Political Theory 31 (10) (2003): 1鈥30; here 3ff.
  • 3Michael Walzer, Thick and Thin: Moral Argument at Home and Abroad (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994). It is unclear to me what a human right against 鈥渄eceit鈥 would imply. Does it mean a right not to be lied to? This is a moral claim, not a human right.
  • 4Charles Beitz, 鈥淗uman Rights as a Common Concern,鈥 American Political Science Review 95 (2) (June 2001): 272.